A/HRC/25/CRP.1 307. During the height of economic activity in the DPRK in the 1960s and 1970s, electrical appliances and “fast food” such as canned food were introduced in an effort to minimize domestic work for women in the larger cities. The state had arguably contracted out women’s traditional roles in the home so that they could fully participate in state production, so-called “liberation through labour”. Yet, despite women’s full participation in public life, their economic status did not equal that of men. Although there is no official information on pay scales, other sources reveal that the structure of income distribution between husband and wife meant a husband’s income was always higher than his wife’s. The structure also did not engender a culture of equality.351 308. Despite implementing laws to improve gender equality, cultural attitudes remained traditional. The extreme militarization of society in the DPRK has encouraged such themes as the protection of Korean women’s virtue and the defence of Korean purity against hostile outside forces thereby contributing to ongoing gender discrimination. The only manifestation gender equality was the expectation that women along with men would work in state-sponsored employment. Women’s lives at home and work remained subservient to men and unequal. Notwithstanding the provision of childcare services, appliances and other developments aimed at decreasing the domestic workload, women were still overwhelmingly responsible for domestic work. Kim Il-sung’s aim of liberating women through labour effectively doubled their burden, as they were now expected to engage in both state employment and domestic work. 309. The double burden faced by women led to the increasing departure of women from the workforce as they married.352 As the economy deteriorated in the 1990s, women were dismissed from their work positions, as working for the state was considered politically more advanced and thus “men’s work”. Men were also the focus of surveillance, and the state employment system was a critical element to the surveillance structure.353 As the economic system collapsed, and women remained outside of state employment, women’s energies turned towards survival. The subsequent emergence of private markets largely operated by women saved many families from starvation. However, being outside of state employment, women lost their rights to a state pension and the use of childcare services.354 310. Nevertheless, women working in the markets can earn double the monthly salary of a man in one day. In recent years, men often have not been paid at all by their state employers.355 While DPRK decision-makers did not intend to raise the profile of women through the reversal of their policy to engage women in the labour force, effectively by pushing them out of state employment, this contributed to the rise in their economic power. It is estimated that almost half of DPRK families rely on private trading as their only source of income, and women are the main breadwinners in 80 to 90 per cent of households.356 This has changed dynamics in the family. 311. Despite the economic advancement of women, they are still discriminated against by the state. The state imposed many restrictions on the female-dominated market, including 351 352 353 354 355 356 KINU, White Paper on Human Rights in North Korea (2013), pp. 382-303; Park Kyung-ae, “Women and Social Change in South and North Korea: Marxist and Liberal Perspectives”, p. 11. Stephen Haggard and Marcus Noland, “Gender in Transition: The Case of North Korea”, World Development, vol. 41 (2012), p. 52. See section IV.C. Citizen’s Alliance for North Korean Human Rights (NKHR), “Status of Women’s Rights in the Context of Socio-Economic Changes in the DPRK”, May 2013, p. 31. Louisa Lim, “Out Of Desperation, North Korean Women Become Breadwinners”, National Public Radio, 28 December 2012. Peterson Institute as quoted in Louisa Lim, “Out Of Desperation, North Korean Women Become Breadwinners”, National Public Radio, 28 December 2012. 87