A/75/388 3. Mobilization 31. People in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea have to routinely provide unpaid compulsory labour for State projects through mobilization by the Workers’ Party of Korea, the Women’s Union (which organizes married women and other women not assigned to State jobs) and Neighbourhood Watch units. According to escapee accounts, mobilization of women to construction and agricultural s ites has increased in recent months. Women are also vulnerable to sexual violence and assaults in exchange for exemption or easing of work or better treatment, and some also suffer from mental health issues after mobilizations. Soldiers from the Korean Peo ple’s Army can also be mobilized to work, including in the agricultural and mining sectors. In September, Chairman Kim Jong Un reportedly announced that 12,000 members of the Workers’ Party would be sent to the two typhoon-affected provinces to help with the recovery. 32. There also exists a system of longer-term mobilization of young people called “permanent” shock brigades (dolgyeokdae) or “formal” shock brigades, which are paramilitary labour brigades affiliated with the Ministry of Defence or the Minist ry of People’s Armed Forces. Most vulnerable to mobilization into dolgyeokdae, for extended periods without pay, are young people who cannot join the military owing to their family background (songbun), those from families who are unable to bribe the authorities, and orphans. Some young people in vulnerable situations endure the hardship with shock brigades in order to increase their chances of becoming a party member after completion of service. A female escapee who left the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in mid-2019 was mobilized to a shock brigade in 2009 at the age of 17. She was informed that she had to work for eight years with the shock brigade as a substitute for compulsory military service and would later be granted party membership. She worked as a construction labourer at a power plant, but ran away in 2012, as the work was too physically demanding. She said that people mobilized to shock brigades routinely escaped, but would return after some days. Those who did not voluntarily return would be sent to a labour training camp (rodongdanryondae). A man who had been homeless for most of his life and had begged on the streets as a child (kotjebi) recounted similar experiences. 4. Labour in prison 33. The Criminal Code provides for “correctional labour punishment” in prisons (kyohwaso) and “labour training punishment” in labour training camps (rodongdanryondae). Women and men detained in rodongdanryondae, holding centres (jipkyulso), kyohwaso and political prisons (kwanliso) are often required to perform hard manual labour in contravention of international human rights standards. That includes agricultural, logging and mining work, as well as the production of cosmetics and hand-made jewellery components. Female escapees have been assigned to make wigs, eyelashes for dolls and paper hats to be exported to China. Multiple accounts demonstrate that hard labour is imposed on inmates without adequate food or rest. Accounts are consistent concerning lack of food – detainees were given only small portions of cornmeal with or without soup. Beatings or physical punishment, such as remaining in stress positions for prolonged periods, were used as punishment. Often the whole team was punished if one of the team members did not meet their work quota. 34. Labour in prison is not considered to be forced labour under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights or the ILO Forced Labour Convention 1930 (No. 29), as long as the prisoners are serving a prison sentence based on court orders, the labour is performed in direct supervision of the competent authorities, and the labour is not performed for any private entities. The ILO Abolition of Forced Labour 20-13513 13/21